Kathryn Kolbert

Teaching Separation of Powers

BASIC CONCEPTS TO BE INCLUDED IN THE LESSON:

  • The Constitution separated power into 3 equal branches of government so that no one branch of government would become too powerful.
  • The federal legislative branch -- the Congress which is created by Article 1 -- has the power to pass laws.
  • The federal executive branch -- that is the President and executive agencies created by Article 2 -- has the power to administer the laws and to conduct foreign policy.  The President is also the commander in chief of the nation's armed forces.
  • The federal judicial branch, i.e. the U.S. Supreme Court and lower federal courts, created by Article 3 -- has the power to interpret and enforce the laws and is the final arbiter of the meaning of the Constitution
CLASSROOM RESOURCES:

I. Our Constitution:  A Conversation with Supreme Court Justices Justice O’Connor and Breyer. 

In this DVD, taped on June 5, 2005, the Justices explain the importance of the separation of powers. Watch a portion of the video here or download a copy for your classroom.

II. Balancing Power, Protecting Individual Rights

This video produced by PJ Productions, examines the concept of separation of powers by focusing on the landmark case of Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer.   Watch this portion of the video here or download a copy for your classroom.

III. Domestic Spying, What are the Checks on Presidential Power?

This Justice Talking debate examines President Bush’s decision to authorize the National Security Agency to eavesdrop on suspected terrorists within the United States without obtaining court approval. Tune in here as Justice Talking takes a look at U.S. intelligence policies and asks whether they are legal and effective at safeguarding the homeland.  You can also download the program; obtain a transcript, find a listening and learning guide on the issue and sign up for regular podcasts from Justice Talking.

ADDITIONAL RESOURCES:

1. The Fight Over the Watergate Tapes 

The Fight Over the Watergate Tapes

U.S. Supreme Court case, Nixon v. United States (1974)

2. Each of the 50 states has replicated the separation of powers at the state and local level.  For more information about how government is divided at the local level visit the Student Voices Glossary of Local Government Terms


BACKGROUND MATERIALS:

1.  What is the Meaning of Separation of Powers?

The framers of the Constitution separated the powers of government into three branches, granting legislative power (the power to pass laws) to Congress in Article 1 of the Constitution.  The Constitution granted executive power (the power to administer the laws) to the president in Article 2 and judicial power (the power to interpret and enforce the laws) to the courts in Article 3.

The framers believed that this separation of powers would ensure that no one person or group of persons would be able to create, administer, and enforce the laws at the same time.  Each branch of government would be a check on the power of the other two branches. In some instances, two branches of government are required to work together. For example, the Senate must approve the president’s appointments to the Supreme Court. The president has the power to veto acts of Congress or to pardon convicted criminals and Congress can impeach the President and federal court justices and judges.  Although the system of checks and balances makes government less efficient, that is really the point.  The framers believed that forcing the different branches of government to contend with each other and work together would lead to more thoughtful lawmaking and ensure that no single person or group would be able to control the entire process.

2. What Are the Powers of Each Branch of Government?

The Legislative Branch:

The Legislative Branch of the federal government is the Congress which is composed of two law-making chambers each of which must approve new legislation.  The Constitution places checks on Congressional power in several ways.  It strictly limits the areas in which Congress can legislate. It gives the President the power to veto legislation (and requires a supermajority of Congress to override that veto) and through executive agencies, the power to enforce the law.  And the federal courts have the power to review the constitutionality of any federal law and where there is a controversy about what the law means, interpret its meaning.

The House of Representatives

Article I, Section 2 specifies that the House of Representatives be composed of members who are chosen every two years by the people of the states. There are only three qualifications: a representative must be at least twenty-five years old, must have been a citizen of the United States for at least seven years, and must live in the state from which he or she is chosen. Efforts by both Congress and the states to add requirements for office, such as durational residency requirements or loyalty oaths, have been rejected by Congress and the courts.

Article I, Section 2 also creates the way in which congressional districts are to be divided among the states. A difficult and critical sticking point at the Constitutional Convention was how to count a state’s population, particularly whether slaves would be counted for purposes of both representation and taxation. If slaves were considered property, they would not be counted at all; if they were considered persons, they would be counted fully—just as women, children, and others who could not vote were counted. Ironically, Southern slave-owners, who considered slaves their property, wanted slaves to be fully counted in order to increase their own political power in Congress. After extended debate, the framers agreed to the three-fifths compromise—three-fifths of the total number of slaves would be included in a state’s population total (note that the framers never use the word slaves in the document). Following the Civil War, the formula was changed with the passage of Amendment XIII, which abolished slavery, and Amendment XIV, Section 2, which specifically repealed the three-fifths rule.

Based on a census conducted every 10 years, Congress must determine how many representatives (at least one required) are to come from each state. The Constitution itself set the number of House members from each of the original thirteen states that was used until the completion of the first census. In 1929 Congress limited the House of Representatives to 435 members and established a formula to determine how many districts would be in each state. For example, following the 2000 census, southern and western states like Texas, Florida and California gained population and thus added representatives, while northern states like Pennsylvania lost several members.

Congress left it to state legislatures to draw district lines. As a result, at the time of a census, the political party in power in each state legislature is able to define new districts that favor its own candidates, affecting who can win elections for the House of Representatives in the following decade. This process—redrawing district lines to favor a particular party— is often referred to as gerrymandering.

The Senate

The Senate, which now has one hundred members, has two senators from each state. Until 1913, senators were elected by their state legislatures. But with the adoption of Amendment XVII, senators have been elected directly by the people of each state. There are several exclusive requirements to be a senator: he or she must be over thirty years of age, must have been an American citizen for at least nine years, and must live in the state he or she represents. Senators can serve for an unlimited number of six-year terms.

Senatorial elections are held on a staggered basis so that one-third of the Senate is elected every two years. If a senator leaves office before the end of his or her term, Amendment XVII  now provides that the governor of his or her state sets the time for a new election. The state legislature may authorize the governor to temporarily fill the vacant seat.

The vice president of the United States is also the president of the Senate. He or she normally has no vote but can act as a tiebreaker if the Senate is equally divided on a proposed bill or nomination. The Senate also chooses officers to lead them through their work. One of the officers, the president pro tempore (“president for a time”), presides over the Senate when the vice president is not available and, like the Speaker of the House, is in the line of succession should the president or the vice president be unable to serve.

The Executive Branch:

Article II, Section 1 establishes that the president has the power to run the executive branch of the government. This section, later modified by Amendment XII and Amendment XXV, outlines who is eligible to serve as president, establishes the Electoral College (the means by which the president and vice president are elected), and authorizes Congress to determine who will replace the president and vice president should they be unable to serve during their term of office.

Article II, Section 1 establishes that the president and vice president are to be elected at the same time and serve the same four-year term. Until 1951, presidents could serve for as many four-year terms as they could win. But after President Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected for four terms, Congress passed and the states ratified Amendment XII which limits a president to two terms (eight years) in office. Amendment XXV added in 1967, modified the line of succession, that is who takes over for a president who is unable to continue to serve or has died in office.    

Rather than being elected directly by the people, the president is elected by members of the Electoral College, which is created by Article II, Section 1.  It is not really a “college,” but a group of people who are elected by the states. Each state is entitled to the number of electors equal to the combined number of their representatives and senators in Congress.  Each state legislature decides how members of the Electoral College are to be selected and how they are to vote.

There are three minimum requirements to be elected president: one must be a natural born citizen of the United States; must have lived in the United States for at least fourteen years, and must be at least thirty-five years old.

As chief executive, the president runs the different executive agencies, like the Department of the Treasury or the Department of Health and Human Services. The president serves not only as the head of the executive branch of government, but also as the commander in chief of the armed forces (including state national guards when they are called on to serve with the federal armed forces).

The Constitution has established many checks on Presidential power.  For example, the President needs permission from two-thirds of the Senators present, in order to make treaties (agreements) with other countries. The President has the power to make a number of key appointments such as Supreme Court Justices, Cabinet officers and ambassadors, but needs the approval of a majority of senators.  The Congress retains the power to impeach and convict a President for high crimes and misdemeanors. Where there is a controversy, the federal courts have the power to review the constitutionality of executive branch actions.  

The Judicial Branch:

Article III of the Constitution establishes the federal court system. The first section creates the U.S. Supreme Court as the federal system’s highest court. The Supreme Court has final say on matters of federal law that come before it. Today, the U.S. Supreme Court has nine justices who are appointed by the president with the approval of the Senate.

In 1803, in the case of Marbury v. Madison, the Supreme Court, in an opinion written by Chief Justice John Marshall, interpreted Article III and Article VI to give the federal courts final say over the meaning of the federal Constitution and federal laws as well as  the power to order state and federal officials to comply with its rulings. The federal courts also decide cases about our nation’s rights and responsibilities in agreements with other nations, disputes that may arise between states, between citizens of different states and between states and the federal government.  The courts are charged with ensuring that the three branches act independently and do not overreach their delegated powers.

Congress has the power to create and organize the lower federal courts. Today, there are lower federal courts in every state. A case is filed and tried in the federal district courts and in some specialty courts, like admiralty or bankruptcy courts. The trial courts look at the facts of the case and decide guilt or innocence or which side is right in an argument or dispute. The courts of appeal hear appeals of the losing parties. The appellate courts look at whether the trial was fair, whether the process followed the rules, and whether the law was correctly applied.

The federal courts can only make decisions on cases that are brought to them by a person who is actually affected by the law. Federal courts are not allowed to create cases on their own—even if they believe a law is unconstitutional nor are they allowed to rule on hypothetical scenarios.

Almost all federal cases start in federal district courts, where motions are decided and trials held. The cases are then heard on appeal by the federal courts of appeal and then by the Supreme Court if four justices of the nine-member Court decide to hear the case. State cases that involve an issue of federal law can also be heard by the Supreme Court after the highest court in the state rules (or refuses to rule) in the case. The Supreme Court accepts only a small number of cases for review, typically around eighty cases each year. In a small number of lawsuits—those involving ambassadors, public ministers and consuls, or where a state is a party—the Supreme Court is the first court to hear the case.  The federal courts also have final say over guilt or innocence in federal criminal cases. A defendant in a criminal case, except impeachment, has a right to have his or her case heard by a jury in the state where the crime occurred.  

The Constitution however places checks on the federal courts in a variety of ways.  It specifically limits the types of cases it can hear.  Although to federal judges are appointed for life, Congress retains the power to impeach a judge for committing a serious crime. And Congress can limit the power of the courts by changing the rules about which cases can be appealed.  

TEACHING TIPS AND TOOLS:

Throughout history there have been many instances when the three branches of government have been at odds and the fight between them have sparked national debate.   At some times, the President has taken actions which the Congress and the Courts believe exceeded presidential power.  In other instances the Congress overstepped their powers or the Courts have taken steps which another branch of government believed to be beyond the designated powers contained within the Constitution.   Use the following three resources to bring these debates into your classroom.

I.  Our Constitution:  A Conversation with Supreme Court Justices Justice O’Connor and Breyer. 

In this DVD, taped on June 5, 2005, the Justices answer questions from Philadelphia-area high school students.  They explain the importance of the separation of powers in the Constitution. Watch portions of the video here or download a copy for your classroom.

II.  President Truman and the Seizure of the Steel Mills

Balancing Power, Protecting Individual Rights is a DVD produced by PJ Productions that examines the concept of separation of powers.  It focuses on the landmark case of Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer.   Watch the video here or download a copy for your classroom. 

In 1952, during the Korean War, the Steelworkers threatened a strike that would have shut down all American steel mills. Believing that the shut-down of the mills would be catastrophic for the war effort, President Truman went on national television and announced that he was directing the Secretary of Commerce to take over the steel mills and prevent them from being closed.  By the next morning federal flags were flying over each of the factories and a national firestorm about executive power, national security, private property and labor relations began. 

President Truman argued that he had the power to seize the mills in an emergency, because under the Constitution he has the power to wage war and safeguard our national security. [Ironically, Congress had never officially declared that the Korean “conflict” was a war, but they did authorize monies for the military effort]. 

President Truman took this action despite the fact that there was no law passed by Congress that authorized him to seize the mills in an emergency. In fact, in 1947, when Congress had passed the Taft-Hartley Act, a comprehensive law about labor relations, it had specifically decided not to give the president the power to seize an industry in an emergency. 

In the Youngstown case, the Supreme Court was asked to decide whether the President had the inherent power, acting alone under Article II, to seize the mills. The Court ruled 6-3 that he did not. Justice Hugo Black wrote the majority opinion which found that Article II of the Constitution does not give the president power to seize the mills.  Further, because Congress didn’t give the President that power either, the seizure was illegal.  The Court interpreted the meaning of Article II, which states that the "executive power shall be vested in a President," in a narrow fashion.  Justice Jackson wrote a concurring opinion which in later years has been considered very important.  He said that there are three ways of considering presidential action.

  • First, if the President’s actions are backed by law or the implied authorization of Congress, the president’s powers are strong and he is able to act.
  • Second, if the president acts but there is no law --- Congress, is silent, or not clearly on record one way or the other, the president is in what Jackson called “a zone of twilight,” more like a definite maybe as to whether the president can act.
  • Third, if he acts against the will of Congress, that is, Congress has either expressly written a law saying he can’t do something or implied he can’t, as in the case of Taft-Hartley, where Congress chose not to give him the power to act, then presidential power is at its weakest.  And if they have to, the courts can step in to stop him.

Youngstown made clear that the President of the United States does not have the authority of a King, even when the President’s powers are at their height.  The president is limited by the guarantees of the Constitution.

III. President Bush and the Debate Over NSA Spying

Many of the issues raised by President Truman’s seizure of the steel mills continue to be debated today, particularly questions about Presidential powers to protect Americans during times of war.  Most recently after news reports in the New York Times, the Bush Administration has admitted it authorized the National Security Agency to eavesdrop on suspected terrorists within the United States without obtaining court approval. Although the President claims he is authorized to conduct the wiretaps because of inherent Presidential powers and because of Congressional action allowing the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, the limits of executive power and the role of the courts in checking Presidential action is raised by these actions.  Justice Talking, an NPR radio program, produced by the Annenberg Public Policy Center, recently released an hour long program on this controversy:  Domestic Spying What are the Checks on Presidential Power?  Tune in here as Justice Talking takes a look at U.S. intelligence policies and asks whether they are legal and effective at safeguarding the homeland.  You can also download the program; obtain a transcript, find a listening and learning guide on the issue and sign up for regular podcasts from Justice Talking.

Published Wednesday, October 03, 2007 12:48 PM by kitty

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Carl said:

Dear Kathryn Kolbert:

Here are my questions.

1. The checks and balances concept is often explained as a promotion of democracy and limiting the ability of a ruler to become a dictator. I have recently read other forms of analysis that explain it differently. These scholars note that the Constitution was written by the wealthy classes of Colonial America. The real purpose of the "checks" in the Constitution was to check democracy. The ratification process was railroaded over the objections of the anti-federalists in a manner similar to the Iraq War vote.

People may disagree with this alternative viewpoint, but my question is: why is this legitimate alternate interpretation left out of almost every presentation that I've ever seen on checks and balances (and the Constitution in general)? We seem content to note that voting rights were only for white, male property owners but do not extend our analysis to question whether the Constitution is a very democratic document to begin with. The presence of a Senate, Supreme Court, an extremely difficult ammendment process all work against the public will. There are more democratic methods of defending the rights of minorities than those created by the Constitution. Did the founding fathers rig the game for future generations? Is it possible that a document that allowed slavery, etc. also was tilted towards the powerful in general in structuring the government? Why no debate on this issue? Why is only one view taught?

2. What in the Constitution really prevents one branch from taking the lion's share of the power? In our state (Ohio) the State Supreme Court has ruled that our school funding system violates the Ohio Constitution. It has been a decade and nothing has been changed. Supposedly, this situation produces a "constitutional crisis" but the legislature seems unconcerned and frankly the public hasn't noticed either. Who has the power really? Why has the Constitution been disregarded in some areas for so long (Mapp) but not in other areas? Why do we teach about powers within the Constitution but not whether the Constitution still gives more power to some groups in America? We only seem to engage in internal analysis?

3. The Constitution doesn't spell out the power of the Supreme Court to interpret laws and actions. How does John Marshall get to invent his own power? Why is this (Marbury) taught as a legitimate precedent when it was accepted mainly because it was a convenient solution to a minor issue of personal politics?

4. Do you know of good book, websites, etc. that could help teachers expand on the traditional, nearly "official", teaching of the Constitution?

October 3, 2007 1:10 PM
 

Eric said:

Carl raises some interesting points. In my own slightly cynical view that holds issues of class as a major contributor to our Framers' thinking, I agree that a discussion about the presence of "hidden" agendas in the Constitution's writing is necessary from both an historic and a contemporary perspective.

I teach that the History of America is a history of the pursuit and protection of money. This in itself is nothing radical, but it does shed a critical light on many of the ideals we Americans take for granted when thinking about or government, i.e. the absolute sanctity of the Constitution. When you take a critical stance against something sacred in the classroom, it does get students' attention. A careful approach can then easily generate some lively, constructive debate. When you open a discussion about seemingly harmless (if not outright boring to students) topics like reapportionment and gerrymandering, the electoral college, executive privelege, checks and balances by asking students to analyze who benefits and how they benefit from these things it can be eye-opening for students.

For Ms. Kolbert:

After reading a transcript of the NPR discussion on domestic spying I have several questions...

1) If FISA allows government agencies engaged in surveillance to wait 72 hours before seeking a warrant, how does this not violate some form of ex post facto protections of suspects' rights? Don't the changes proposed (or perhaps already enacted) by this administration violate these protections even further?

2) Why have we not (or if we have why don't we hear more about it?) deliberately attempted to define, in explicit terms, what it means to be "at war?" Can this be defined? Was the Cold War a war? Is the War on Terrorism a war? Actions have been taken and are certainly in process right now that would seem to indicate we are at war. If not, domestic spying is a violation of rights, plain and simple. If so, shouldn't the debate center on what rights American citizens have during a time of war? Seems to me the parameters of the debate still have not clearly been set. Or should we subscribe to a more cynical point of view, as outlined above? Is it that these things are unclear because someone in power benefits from a poorly defined and difficult-to-define arrangement? Does the "fog of war" allow our government more operational freedom to act decisively when necessary? Does the good of the whole really outweigh the rights of the individual? Shouldn't my students be concerned about this?

3) Speaking of NPR, on Thursday, Fresh Air broadcast an interview with Legal scholars Jack Goldsmith and Tim Wu who discussed their new book, Who Controls the Internet? Illusions of a Borderless World. They discussed, among other things, efforts by governments to censor the internet and a recent case where the NSA issued a subpoena from Google a list of search records, and Google complied. One should first take issue with the fact that Google saves all search records conducted through its engine. Secondly, what implications does this have in a discussion about violations of the Privacy Act? Or are we back to the “are we at war” debate again?

October 3, 2007 1:10 PM
 

Michelle said:

Let me play the opposite side of the discussion:

Is it right to leak highly classified information to the public? How much can the average person handle about news that people in the military are telling "government" secrets especially doing a time of war?

Does the average American citizen care what is in the Consititution or are they concerned more about keeping their jobs or the rising prices of goods in the U.S.?

Would it be possible for students to interact with the expert on their questions and concerns?

thanks,

Michelle

October 3, 2007 1:11 PM
 

Wayne said:

I want to follow up on Carl's point that when the checks and balances don't work as evidenced by the legislature ignoring the Supreme Court on four ocassions, one has to question the validity of the underlying argument. What would you suggest we say to students who challenge the premise that there are 3 equal branches of government?

Wayne

October 3, 2007 1:11 PM
 

kitty said:

Sorry I didn't get to this until this evening. I loved the professional development series.

1. I liked the format of the presentation and that I could download if needed.
2. I liked that there were glossary words to use with this lesson.
3. When I went to the case study of "Young Sheet..." I had to figure out how to read the case. Maybe put in that you need to do the printable vision and not pay for the service.
We did not intend for you to have to pay...we will need to check all the links..can you remember what link it was.. we will fix.

Do you have something that I could show my seniors before they are out of school?
You can use this lesson plan with your students...In fact we'd be thrilled if you tried it out and see if it works..Many thanks for your kind comments .k
October 3, 2007 1:14 PM
 

kitty said:

 Carl:

1. The checks and balances concept is often explained as a promotion of democracy and limiting the ability of a ruler to become a dictator. I have recently read other forms of analysis that explain it differently. These scholars note that the Constitution was written by the wealthy classes of Colonial America. The real purpose of the "checks" in the Constitution was to check democracy. The ratification process was railroaded over the objections of the anti-federalists in a manner similar to the Iraq War vote.

People may disagree with this alternative viewpoint, but my question is: why is this legitimate alternate interpretation left out of almost every presentation that I've ever seen on checks and balances (and the Constitution in general)? We seem content to note that voting rights were only for white, male property owners but do not extend our analysis to question whether the Constitution is a very democratic document to begin with. The presence of a Senate, Supreme Court, an extremely difficult ammendment process all work against the public will. There are more democratic methods of defending the rights of minorities than those created by the Constitution. Did the founding fathers rig the game for future generations? Is it possible that a document that allowed slavery, etc. also was tilted towards the powerful in general in structuring the government? Why no debate on this issue? Why is only one view taught?

You are correct that there are alternative theories about what the framers intended that ought to be part of the debate.  Scholars have long noted that

"the framers did not intend to produce the type of 'pure democracy' that existed in the ancient Greek city states, where citizens voted on everything.  Instead, during their debates several of the delegates warned against the excesses of democracy' with its 'turbulence and follies' and 'dangerous leveling spirit.'  (Ritchie, Our Constitution, p. 12). 

As a result, they created a representative democracy, and split power between the people (in the house) and the states (in the Senate).

 Carl:

2. What in the Constitution really prevents one branch from taking the lion's share of the power? In our state (Ohio) the State Supreme Court has ruled that our school funding system violates the Ohio Constitution. It has been a decade and nothing has been changed. Supposedly, this situation produces a "constitutional crisis" but the legislature seems unconcerned and frankly the public hasn't noticed either. Who has the power really? Why has the Constitution been disregarded in some areas for so long (Mapp) but not in other areas? Why do we teach about powers within the Constitution but not whether the Constitution still gives more power to some groups in America? We only seem to engage in internal analysis?

The Supreme Court, through the doctrine of judicial review, becomes the branch of government that must enforce the separation of powers, but its power is constrained by how the people view its legitimacy, and whether the executive branch and Congress will agree to the terms of its orders.  Throughout history, at times of Constitutional crisis, the willingness of the different branches to accede to court directives has been tested. 

But the structure is clear, that once the Court rules, it is the duty of other branches to correct the problems through the political process.  That is perhaps what is happening in Ohio.  Once the Supreme Court has invalidated the school funding scheme, it is up to the legislative branch...and the political process, to find a solution...and of course, up to the people, to urge their legislators to take action.

 Carl:

3. The Constitution doesn't spell out the power of the Supreme Court to interpret laws and actions. How does John Marshall get to invent his own power? Why is this (Marbury) taught as a legitimate precedent when it was accepted mainly because it was a convenient solution to a minor issue of personal politics?

I don't think John Marshall invented his own power but recognized the importance of the courts as the arbiter of disputes between differing branches of government and the arbiter of the meaning of the Constitution itself.    Indeed, judicial review is perhaps the most important check on the excesses of government and the best protection for the rights of minorities who by definition, cannot assert their interests within the political process.


 Carl:

4. Do you know of good book, websites, etc. that could help teachers expand on the traditional, nearly "official", teaching of the Constitution?

We urge you to take a very detailed tour of the annotated Constitution on www.justicelearning.org.  It contains historical timelines for every amendment to the Constitution, and a description of what every provision says and means.  Additional information can be found in two new books published by Oxford University Press in association with the Annenberg Foundation Trust at Sunnylands:  Our Constitution by Don Ritchie and justicelearning.org and the Hip Pocket Guide to the Constitution. We are making the Hip Guide available to classrooms for use on Constitution Day at a 50% educational discount.  The back of Our Constitution also has a guide for further reading and additional websites.

 
October 3, 2007 1:15 PM
 

kitty said:

 Eric:

After reading a transcript of the NPR discussion on domestic spying I have several questions...

1) If FISA allows government agencies engaged in surveillance to wait 72 hours before seeking a warrant, how does this not violate some form of ex post facto protections of suspects' rights? Don't the changes proposed (or perhaps already enacted) by this administration violate these protections even further?

This argument has never been litigated. Indeed the ex post facto provision has a very limited litigation history. One of the difficulties of challenging FISA is that most of the people who are surveilled, do not know of the surveillance ....and the warrant process is very secret.  Congressional and judicial oversight is perhaps the best check on excesses although we have seen only very limited willingness to challenge procedures by both of these institutions.


 Eric:

2) Why have we not (or if we have why don't we hear more about it?) deliberately attempted to define, in explicit terms, what it means to be "at war?" Can this be defined? Was the Cold War a war? Is the War on Terrorism a war? Actions have been taken and are certainly in process right now that would seem to indicate we are at war. If not, domestic spying is a violation of rights, plain and simple. If so, shouldn't the debate center on what rights American citizens have during a time of war? Seems to me the parameters of the debate still have not clearly been set. Or should we subscribe to a more cynical point of view, as outlined above? Is it that these things are unclear because someone in power benefits from a poorly defined and difficult-to-define arrangement? Does the "fog of war" allow our government more operational freedom to act decisively when necessary? Does the good of the whole really outweigh the rights of the individual? Shouldn't my students be concerned about this?

The limits of the war powers of both the President and Congress have not been fully articulated, although the issue will certainly be a factor as the Supreme Court looks at the rights of military detainees this term. As a political and legal matter, whether we are at "war" has significant ramifications.  As a general rule, politicians prefer to have us be at war politically but not legally whenever possible.


 Eric:

3) Speaking of NPR, on Thursday, Fresh Air broadcast an interview with Legal scholars Jack Goldsmith and Tim Wu who discussed their new book, Who Controls the Internet? Illusions of a Borderless World. They discussed, among other things, efforts by governments to censor the internet and a recent case where the NSA issued a subpoena from Google a list of search records, and Google complied. One should first take issue with the fact that Google saves all search records conducted through its engine. Secondly, what implications does this have in a discussion about violations of the Privacy Act? Or are we back to the “are we at war” debate again?

How national security and privacy interface will be one of the biggest global issues of our time. The issues come up around subpoenas for information, efforts to datamine, or even how corporations use and preserve data they have.  For another look at these issues, you might tune in to the Justice Talking debates on Domestic Spying and Whose Internet is It?
 
October 3, 2007 1:16 PM
 

kitty said:

 Michelle:

Would it be possible for students to interact with the expert on their questions and concerns?

Michelle...this is not something we offer right now but would consider the idea for the future.
October 3, 2007 1:16 PM
 

kitty said:

 Wayne:

I want to follow up on Carl's point that when the checks and balances don't work as evidenced by the legislature ignoring the Supreme Court on four ocassions, one has to question the validity of the underlying argument. What would you suggest we say to students who challenge the premise that there are 3 equal branches of government?

In our new video of the Supreme Court Justices on Judicial Independence that will be out in September, Justice Breyer discusses the changes in how the executive accedes to Supreme Court power...He compares the response of Andrew Jackson in the Cherokee Nations' case to the executive response to Cooper v. Aaron and U.S. v. Nixon...arguing that today the executive is more willing to accede to Supreme Court orders than at anytime in our nation's history.

October 3, 2007 1:17 PM
 

Michael said:

Is the concept of Federalism the basis for this lesson?  If so, why is it not one of the major terms being used in the discription.  If not, then I can understand why the term is missing but should it not be the underlying basis of this lesson?

Thanks,

Michael

October 3, 2007 1:17 PM

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